Milena Velba The Milk Station

short guide to voter serious media

By Marc-François Bernier
Journalism Program Coordinator University of Ottawa

mbernier@uottawa.ca

Posted in The Law, March 2, 2007

An election is the surge in media and political machines that fuel the strategy to take advantage of certain weaknesses of voters that we are, who often prefer to be seduced and entertained rather than rigorously and seriously informed of the issues on which our future.

For those who still take seriously the electoral exercise and believe that journalists have an important role in informing citizens, this election may still be disappointing. Every campaign involves three groups of actors: the candidates (and their entourage), journalists and the public. Unfortunately, research and many critics argue that candidates and journalists are so obsessed with each other that they often forget the audience. It is therefore appropriate to have the media to the eye, a few critical exercise customary in Quebec.

To start this little guide, here's how the media should act in order to force political actors to respect the right of voters to intelligent debate, honest and substantive.

Their first challenge will not be complicit vicious and petty attacks on each other. By refusing to play this game, they will force the candidates to find better ways to talk about themselves.

Another challenge will be to serve constantly the public's right to quality information, forcing candidates and their strategists to demonstrate the veracity of their claims and reality of their commitments. This critical work may be substituted for the dissemination of sarcasm, quips and personal attacks on political adversaries who share the same interest, however, not to justify their own claims and commitments.

Also in the spirit public service, it should prevent political actors to intoxicate us with impunity statements under cover of anonymity, anonymous sources are a powerful way of misinformation. Do not forget that political organizations trying to influence, if not to manipulate public opinion through the media and many journalists resist lure of little scoops or recovered quickly contradicted publicly by the same people who have quietly slipped to reporter's ear.

Intellectual rigor should convince journalists not to disseminate the results of surveys methodologies doubtful, while the concern of substantive discussions should limit the number of polls on voting intentions. These polls are certainly the spice of racing and action in stories, but they are low in octane democratic. It is in this regard welcome the decision of the Société Radio-Canada does not control the polls on voting intentions (there have been many other anyway) to focus on substantive discussions.

other hand, the media should document the issues important to citizens in reliance on competent and neutral sources. This is even more relevant to news channels continues, where too often obliges journalists to fill airtime with about repetitive approximations and questionable assertions because they do not give them the time to check everything before going on air.

In terms of diversity, it would be appreciated if the media, especially electronic media, are more imaginative in their choice of guests to present us with different perspectives, marginal, or even provocative. Similarly, we hope they spare us the pervasiveness of pseudo experts in everything and anything which is hidden from us too often partisan acquaintances.

The list could go on, but the command is already very ambitious. Some, disillusioned or perhaps more lucid, say too ambitious.

indexes distrust

To supplement this small media voter guide seriously, here are some clues that should lead us to distrust the media interest because (the media, the journalists, etc..) Can easily override the public interest.

should be wary when a reporter from the television or radio is more interested in her wordplay as by the substance of its stories that tell us nothing about the commitments of the candidates and their reasons to propose to voters. And when a journalist, especially the press, reports the comments of anonymous sources, let us know that, most often, he lets himself be used by those who want to manipulate public opinion to make better use partisan.

Similarly when, after television interview or radio, we seem to know more about the journalist's opinion on that of his guest, there is a serious indication of an intention not inform us, but to persuade us.

Moreover, we must have the wisdom to grant reflex no credibility to the journalist who spent several hours in a county, but claims nevertheless tell us what is really the shape of the local campaign. Most often this is based both on a misunderstanding of the premises and on the persuasiveness of some political organizers.

course, we all have our biases and partisan preferences. This greatly influences the critical eye that we put on the work of journalists and media coverage daily. This sometimes leads us to expose ourselves and complacently repeated messages that we like and reject those who are too easily shocked. Should learn not be a behavior of self persuasion. Instead, it is to face the facts that undermine our beliefs and destabilize us.

should therefore eventually be wary even of the beliefs we have, we have for they also point to contaminate our common sense, as stated by French sociologist Edgar Morin.

French website for analysis, criticism and scientific research on journalistic practices.

Ways To Propel A Toy Boat

Drainville Where: Beyond the appearance of conflict of interest, lack of caution and ethical

Marc-François Bernier (PhD)
Journalism Program Coordinator University of Ottawa


Mutation sudden and unexpected Bernard Drainville that metamorphosis of political bureau chief of Radio-Canada, the National Assembly of Quebec, the Parti Quebecois candidate, returns once more in the public square the famous question of conflicts of interest and, most importantly, the appearance of conflict of interest.

This case is not the first. The political history of Canada and Quebec is marked by journalists become politicians, and we see more and more politicians becoming journalists. These individuals, men and women exercise their democratic and constitutional right.

But this may raise questions of ethics and the fact to have such questions calls for a serious analysis of facts and principles involved, and not to impute motives.

journalistic standards are clear. Journalists should avoid conflicts of interest or even appearances of conflict of interest because it undermines their credibility and calls into question the integrity of information. This integrity is an essential quality of information, with the thoroughness, accuracy, fairness, truth and public interest. Conflicts of interest, it is primarily any conflicts of loyalty.

The journalist must be loyal to the public by disseminating quality information to his employer respecting the contract that binds them, and to himself by respecting his personal conscience and dignity. The conflict, as the appearance of conflict occurs when a journalist decides to focus on, or seems to favor one type of loyalty to the detriment of others. In this case, it is probable that the journalist might have preferred his own interests and those of his future political leader to the detriment of the public's right to quality information.

Such seemingly invites analysis of the situation, but serious analysis and equitable can not be limited to that appearance, it should go further and consider the facts alleged.

If one believes, the main interest, he received an offer and immediately decided to withdraw from the waves of his thinking time, rejected the bid by announcing it personally to the chief Andre Boisclair and resumed its full status as a journalist on Saturday. At that time, he did not know that a few days later, on Tuesday, he would receive another offer he would accept. At the time of his meeting with Parti Quebecois leader Andre Boisclair taped interview aired on Saturday and Sunday it was more reflective and did not know it was going to come back with a new offer. In his mind, he had become a journalist for the weeks and months ahead.

No ethical principle, no ethics rule does not prescribe the reporter Drainville to withdraw from the airwaves following his refusal, for any period whatsoever.

He would have done, however, by simple prudence, knowing that rejected the offer could become public through calculated leaks, anonymous sources and a malicious media competition sometimes questionable. He could talk to his employer who would then have to take certain decisions to this effect, with all that that entails risk to the rest of his career because nobody knows how managers will react the State Society in such cases. Again, there is no firm rule about this. The caution is all about, trial staff, if not computation with confusion and error that this entails.

The fact of not having followed this ideal scenario does not mean malpractice.

However, since the first offer would be achieved through Jacques Parizeau, the journalist should have taken the same path to make his refusal to apply in person rather than the leader of the Parti Quebecois. Indeed, as head of the political bureau in Quebec City, the journalist Drainville did not have to go personally to opposition leader to decline an offer partisan. The fact however that he should have let one of his colleagues conduct the interview the next day with Mr. Boisclair. This would have considerably reduced the appearance of conflicts of interest.

Also, if there is an orthodox, hyper-demanding ethics can be be tempted to say that the journalist should have ceased Drainville any journalistic activity as soon as he was approached by a political party. This shutdown may last indefinitely, ranging from weeks to six months has even suggested a reporter at the press conference Drainville Thursday.

Such a scenario would be dangerous because policymakers could use them to get rid of journalists they deem too critical in their making false proposals that would result in automatic "eliminate" a good journalist. It must also be the political context in which the Quebec election date is chosen by the Prime Minister position, which greatly reduces the opportunities to provide long-term transition from journalism to politics.

In applied ethics, an important test is the test of publicity. It helps to identify potentially compromising situations. Specifically, this test is to ask whether we will be able to publicly defend our decisions, our actions, our words. If we come to the conclusion that the decision is about to do will not be defensible in the public square, and should therefore remain secret, it leads to change.

Moreover, all members of the Press Gallery can say they never received offers more or less formal to join a political party or candidate as an advisor? What some seem to require Drainville journalist, are they able to apply it to themselves, as would be the ethical principle of the golden rule which is based on reciprocity? Have they removed temporarily from political coverage during and after their period of reflection? The same issue arises in other areas of information that are the economy, sports, entertainment, etc..

Remember that political reporters are always in close relationship with their political sources. Some play hockey together, others socialize in the evenings and weekends, some even have love affairs with elected officials or members of their political staff, others are playing political adviser or accept personal confidences. All this is done away from public view, despite the many critics who have repeatedly denounced the vicinity.

The reaction of many journalists face the reporter Drainville is both reassuring and paradoxical. She reassures because we can detect a real concern of ethical principles and ethical standards that underpin the social legitimacy and credibility of journalism.

Paradoxical as it may be put in comparison with the same coverage generally complaisant media against the appointment of journalist Michaelle Jean, in the first days of August 2005. In the days preceding the announcement of his appointment, then it probably reflected the offer of Prime Minister Paul Martin and that she had perhaps already accepted, it was still the reader Newscast CBC.

The same principles of professional integrity are at stake, even if the case Drainville is more obvious because of his journalism field, that daily contact elected officials and should inform us with integrity about them, while Ms. John did what some sociologists call journalism "sit". That said, both cases have similarities, so it feels to attend a selective indignation on the part of some.

As for the reaction of political opponents, one can certainly see the work of a surprise and a sense of betrayal or disloyalty on the part of journalist Drainville. But it must also be realistic and see a normal political communication strategy which is to attack the new enemy.

Finally, analyze the case Drainville is a bit risky because, as in all case studies, facts are crucial. And for now, the only source that can inform us about the facts is the main person.

French website for analysis, criticism and scientific research on journalistic practices.

Congratuating On Engagment

The function and role of Ombudsman in Brazil and France

Different mediators exist in the media sector whether in press or in broadcasting for the Internet. The common idea is that these mediators are all more or less heirs to tradition North American and Scandinavian Ombudsman. The Ombudsman's Update on France Televisions in France since 1998 and mediation of the press in Folha de S. Paulo, Brazil since 1989 are two distinct examples.
In France, the mediation of writing France 2 works through a program every Saturday after the news mid-day. This self-reflexive program call from viewers air their grievances vis-à-vis information chain and publicizes a reflection on the responsibility of journalists and / or television message. It means creating a space for dialogue between journalists and viewers. In Brazil, Folha de S. Paulo, the ombudsman takes the form of a representation of the player in writing, via a weekly column published in the Sunday edition. The ombudsman was proposed as a public trial project implemented by the newspaper editorial, a differentiator from the competition and a media critic. This article proposes, through the comparison of French cases and Brazilian analyze two conceptions of mediation in two different media.
Indeed, if these creations were inspired by the example of Sweden and North America, we propose a lighting highlighting the specific conditions of emergence of these two mediators, special conditions have resulted in giving a special role and a different status to the two mediators. It is therefore through an international comparative dimension to demonstrate the plurality of the Ombudsmen and the significance of local contexts and cultures on this basis that we tend to think of it as universal.
(click on the title of the article to read more)

French website for analysis, criticism and scientific research on journalistic practices.